RSVP Now for Government 2.0 Camp New England

Registration just opened for Gov 2.0 Camp New England, a one-day unconference I’m helping to plan. It will be held Saturday, March 6th at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government in Harvard Square. The others involved in planning are Yasmin Fodil (KSG), Laurel Ruma (O’Reilly Media) and Sarah Bourne and Jessica Weiss (Commonwealth of MA). Thanks to this great group we’ve already got an interesting list of attendees registered, and a number of topics percolating on the wiki. In true unconference style the sessions won’t be finalized until the day of the event, but we are encouraging collaboration on the wiki.

What is government 2.0? I attempted to define the topic earlier this month, but I’m not hung up on definitions. If you’re interested in applying Internet technologies to the business of government, we hope you’ll attend.

> See Conference Wiki or Registration

Simulating Our Petroleum-Dependent Future

Computer modeling is a powerful tool for analyzing complex urban systems. Indeed, for decades metropolitan-scale transportation planning has been informed by increasingly sophisticated computer models. In addition, models are commonly used to study all types of infrastructure systems, the urban environment, even possible location of future of urban growth. In fact, I’m building an attractiveness model for future residential development in South Florida in a class this semester.

However, models can have insidious effects. They excel when applied to deterministic systems, where the rules are static and known, but often fail when applied to systems with arbitrary or random characteristics. Even more troubling, models can impede decision-making by hiding their assumptions, introducing bias into the simulation.

In this light, let’s consider a simple model developed by the oil company Chevron. Their “Energyville” game is located the Will You Join Us website, now being promoted through magazine and TV ads that position the company as an energy company interested in finding energy “solutions” and using it “wisely.” Energyville is presented as a neutral challenge: “What energy sources will power your city?” A disclaimer reminds the user that the assumptions are “based on The Economist Intelligence Unit’s assessment of global facts and trends obtained form numerous credible sources.” The warning observes the game makes many simplifications, acknowledging “global forces and technological developments may change current and future assumptions.” The game aesthetics shows a clear influence of the popular SimCity.

Launching the simulation, I begin by placing some wind turbines in the city. After installing three turbines, the limit is reached: “Geographical and other constraints prevent Wind power from providing any more power to Energyville.” Next, I turned to solar panels. After just two placed, I get this error: “Unavailable! Solar panels are still too cost prohibitive and inefficient to provide any more power to Energyville.” The only remaining renewable energy source is a massive conventional-looking hydroelectric dam. After installation on the river, most of my city’s electrical needs are met.

All except for the ever-important petroleum. There’s no Better Place-type electric car networks possible here. “Warning! low on fuels,” a message quickly appears, saying I need petroleum for airplanes, vehicles, and mass transit. Only once I put a huge petroleum platform in the ocean could I proceed to the next level.

Before level 2 begins, the simulation presents a policy choice: should I adopt energy efficiency measures that will improve environmental quality and “security,” while placing a tax on economic output? Round two is similar, with a couple surprises. First, my wind farms are in trouble:

Ironically, my attempt at developing renewable sources was thwarted by the very global warming I am concerned with! Next, my solar program is in trouble:

I’m a bit confused by this one. After all, all energy costs money. Solar panels can only be “too costly” if cheaper alternatives are available. What these options are – continued petroleum, nuclear, or some other source, is not explained. In this round my fossil fuels are unaffected by catastrophe.

Repeated playing revealed other game paths have other possible events. In one case, solar panels become more attractive to homeowners due to net metering policies, and two actually make wind power even more attractive due to vaguely specified improved technology or other benefits. If you invest in nuclear it warns you uranium may increase in price due to global demand. Once, a terrorist attack in the middle east tightens oil supply. But petroleum price and supply rarely plays a role in the problem – despite the historical evidence as recently as the summer as 2008 that it can be subject to major price volatility. (Incidentally, I think the game was created in 2007.)

In the end, is this a fair simulation? Despite the capricious nature of some of the factors, most of the assumptions are probably reasonable. Presumably Chevron is too savvy to deliberately plant obvious biases in some of the assumptions, nevertheless I’m sure a serious energy wonk could find plenty to quibble about. However, like too many models, Energyville doesn’t clearly reveal its underlying assumptions, or allow the user to question or manipulate them. Although the limits placed on the speed alternative fuels can be rolled out are probably derived from mainstream sources, history shows change — whether beneficial or catastrophic — can be surprisingly rapid.

This means Energyville misses a major educational opportunity. (Despite it appearing on an educational blog – the only Technorati link to the site.) The flash interface makes it impossible to copy text and contains no links to external sources, and the “about” page lists dozens of unlinked articles, reports, and websites, and no assumption is presented as contested. Although thousands of players may learn a few facts embedded in the game, or gain a vague sense of the benefits and limitations of various energy sources, it doesn’t support serious examination and debate about energy technology or policy. But maybe that’s the point.

> WillYouJoinUs.com

New Database of Tools for Participation and Collaboration in Urban Planning

Over at my MIT webspace I just launched a database of web tools for participation and collaboration in planning. I created it mostly to help myself keep track of all the technology and consultants in this area, and also because of my dissatisfaction with existing databases. It’s not meant to be all-encompassing, just cover the important tools and some of the more innovative projects out there. Comments and suggestions are welcome!

> Web Tools for Participation and Collaboration in Planning

Does Data Matter in Urban Policy?

Last week’s Open Cities conference, sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and Next American City, brought together a diverse group to discuss the role of new media in shaping urban policy. One of the major topics discussed was the emerging trend of cities establishing data catalogs where a wide range of datasets and feeds are made available, often with the explicit goal of enabling private apps that will use the data to create value. Washington, D.C.’s data catalog is a national leader, and San Francisco, Boston, and others not far behind. (Through sheer coincidence, New York City announced their BigApps contest during the conference.) In addition to the city-led programs, a host of other sources — from Google Transit to Data.gov — are making urban data more available than ever.

Within government, data can be a powerful tool for management and service delivery. Baltimore’s CitiStat and its emulators have shown the power of data to focus on the bottom line for easily quantified government services and policies. Applications for e-management within government are many, and today’s New York Times story on IBM’s Smarter Cities initiative describes several.

Outside of government, the case is less clear. Some at the conference questioned whether governments should expend their limited resources on finding, cleaning, and publishing data. I think this debate is largely won. The costs of hosting data has dropped precipitously, most of the datasets have already been purchased by citizen tax money, and the resulting apps really do seem to create new value for city residents. Less clear, however, is whether disclosing data to the public will have any impact on urban policy.

It is this deeper question that lurks in the background of conversations about data: although more and more may be available, does influence urban policy or planning? A conference attendee who works for the mayor of a major east coast city suggested this at one point: in his opinion the city was driven by politics, not data.

On the one hand, data seems very needed in planning. Urban planners analyze data to understand trends, and every city plan contains detailed tables, charts, and data analysis. Outside government, community development corporations and nonprofits are also frequent data users: for grant applications, advocacy, and to explore trends in urban neighborhoods. In fact, hundreds of government planners, nonprofit employees, community activists and citizens came to the conference I helped organize here in Boston last summer titled “Data Day: Using Data to Drive Community Change.”

However, the cynic will retort there are “lies, dammed lies, and statistics.” Certainly, government planners and activists need data, the argument goes, but it’s just to support their particular agenda or policy. Taken to the extreme, this jaded view says you can find statistics to back up any belief.

This wasn’t always the case. In fact, for a brief period in the 1960s there was a great deal of interest about the possibility of establishing “social indicators” analogous to economic indicators. Just as economic indicators, such as unemployment rate, are used to determine economic policy, social indicators would guide social policy. Judith Innes in her 1975 book Social Indicators and Public Policy argued social indicators could be created, but must rely on a consensus understanding of definitions and measurement. The book’s fascinating history of the unemployment rate shows how the measurement has responded to cultural values about who to count. Despite thousands of books and articles on indicators in the late 60s and early 70s, the movement didn’t take off as expected. Defining social indicators was value-laden, collecting social data expensive, and focusing on data seemed irrelevant to a turbulent, problem-filled world. It’s little wonder when the second edition of Innes’ book appeared in 1990 it was re-titled Knowledge and Public Policy.

Although falling short of her definition of an indicator, many government datasets do provide a common framework for discussion and analysis, even perhaps guide policy creation. Although often imperfect, their flaws are well known by all users. In the 1990s, a number of “indicators” projects emerged, organized as the National Neighborhood Indicators Partnership. Generally based in nonprofits or foundations, these projects took advantage of new technology and plentiful government data to track measures of their choosing. (At MAPC, I worked closely with the Boston affiliate – the Boston Indicators Project)

Today, thanks to rapidly evolving technology more urban data is available than ever. Its role is equally ambiguous, simultaneously in demand by diverse users to use for advocacy, government service delivery, and perhaps crafting urban policy. At the conference, federal officials reminded the group the Obama administration is interested in evidence based governance, and President Obama even elevated the former architect of the D.C. data catalog, Vivek Kundra, to the nation’s first Chief Information Officer. In an interesting way, perhaps during times of concern for the public interest we are more likely to view data as a shared resource for deliberation and discussion of new policies and plans. We may be in a new era of data availability, but as always what matters isn’t the numbers themselves, but how we view them.

What Government Web Feeds Are Needed?

More and more governments are publishing data feeds, whether of news, alerts regarding public services, or even exposing administrative data. In the UK, the “Mash the State” project has the goal of encouraging every local unit of government publish a news RSS feed.

Inspired by the project, Steve Clift asked “what web feeds should government websites provide?” on the Democracies Online listserv.

Steve suggested:

1. What’s New – Comprehensive feed of all new pages/documents across
the site/agency posted/updated online.
2. Upcoming Public Meetings – Meetings coming up with links to
available meeting documents
3. Press Releases

I added a few more, from the perspective of urban planning more specifically:

- 311 service requests
- Geocoded feed with project proposals at various stages of the development review process (site plan review, zoning variance, etc)
- Feeds specific to the process of creating certain plans or policy documents (feed for comprehensive plan, or downtown revitalization plan, etc)
- Geocoded feeds of recently issued permits, by type (building or construction permits, parade or public space use permits, liquor licenses, etc)
- Real-time data on urban systems such as traffic or transit alerts.

Dan Knauss thought the question itself was off-base: “What is needed is a querying syntax like Apache’s Lucene with output options in a number of different XML schemas. Then you can pull whatever you want from a database in any format that’s provided.” He points to this project in Milwaukee that works off a dataset fed by government email lists, because they don’t offer RSS.

What data feeds do you think the government should publish?

Planetizen Post: An iPhone in the City

See my latest post on Planetizen, on iPhone apps and urban life.

Placeblogs and the Nonplace Urban Realm

Communications technologies were supposed to doom urban community. After all, with high-quality, free, instantaneous communication with people from around the world, who cares about talking over the fence with the neighbor, or joining the local bowling league? Ironically, the Internet, the world’s most widely available communications medium, has sparked some of the most narrowly focused local forums that have ever existed: community or placeblogs, listservs and hyperlocal journalism projects focusing on specific neighborhoods, blocks or buildings. Although many thinkers predicted the collapse of urban community, planner and theorist Melvin Webber had a more nuanced view. In his prescient 1964 essay, Urban Place and the Nonplace Urban Realm, he predicted the growth of new urban realms, but also the persistent importance of urban places that may explain this resurgent localism. (1)

How did communications transform urban life? To Webber, urbanity is participation in cultural, social, and economic transactions. In the future therefore, “urbanity is no longer the exclusive trait of the city dweller … increasingly the farmers themselves are participating in the urban life of the world.” Webber concludes, “as accessibility becomes further freed from propinquity, cohabitation of a territorial place [...] is becoming less important to the maintenance of social communities.”

Webber defined a set of loosely geographic realms. The local realm, defined by in-person interaction is the world of our physical neighborhoods, grocery stores, and other people we encounter personally. People with more specialized interests participate in higher realms, perhaps a metropolitan realm through a citywide organization, occasionally the national realm during professional meetings, even, for the example of the business leader or the elite scientific researcher, the world realm. All this would fundamentally transform urban place, creating an entire nonplace urban realm that had barely existed before. “The place-community represents only a limited and special case of the larger genus of communities, deriving its basis from the common interests that attach to propinquity alone.”

In the early days of the Internet, it looked like this was happening. Common-interest communities formed on chat rooms and listservs, regardless of the actual location of participants. The term cyberspace itself suggested an ethereal place both everywhere and nowhere, a sort of alternate universe to place-based community.

Was Webber right? After all, he predicted social changes “are expanding the range of diversity in the average person’s associations and are inducing a parallel reduction in the relative importance of place-related interests and associations.” The dissolution of tight bonds around physical community is real, and documented by research in the vein of Robert Putman’s Bowling Alone. American’s don’t live in tight-knit, clannish urban neighborhoods anymore. Although perhaps partly caused with by less sociability, a major cause must be our growing involvement in interactions at other realms: staying in touch with family spread around the world through Skype, keeping up with professional networks through email or conferences, even forging online-only interest-based communities.

Then something unexpected happened. Just as the Internet became more ubiquitous and widely used, it began to work to reinforce place-based communities. People with similar interests could find each-other through services like Meetup.com. Although made famous by its effective use by political campaigns, the most dynamic Meetup groups have interests more narrow and permanent than politics: knitting, beach volleyball, classical music. Thousands of local blogs, termed placeblogs by Lisa Williams, have popped up in cities across the country, and forums and listservs connect neighbors.

Why the interest in the local? Webber hypothesizes that even the world leader must work in the local realm at least some of his time, and some people still live their lives in the local realm, rarely interacting with people outside their neighborhood. If you added up all the aggregate person-hours, he speculated, you’d find still by far the majority expended in the local realm, even if time expended at higher realms has increased significantly. Thus, even in a postmodern world of global communications, local, place-based communities remains an important locus of activity. After all, Webber points out, “Those who live near each other share an interest in lowering the social costs of doing so, and they share an interest in the quality of certain services and goods that can be supplied only locally,” including traffic on the streets, garbage collection, children’s facilities, and public nuisances. I would argue that as a realm of deliberation and disagreement, the local realm is different than similar-interest networks at higher realms. After all, if you get into a disagreement with professional contacts you can simply quit the group. The place-based community, by virtue of the difficulty of moving and the necessity for close interaction, is difficult to quit and difficult to change. Most significantly, unlike the others its participation is not voluntary; everyone must live somewhere, and cannot easily escape the positive and negative attributes of their surroundings.

Furthermore, place-based communities have unique characteristics. Ignoring issues of segregation, they’re the urban realm where you’re most likely to encounter people different from yourself. The small physical scale of the local community also means its one where an individual can have a tangible impact, whether lobbying city government to install a streetlight or conducting a simple neighborhood cleanup. The national and global realm seems more difficult for the individual to change than ever, with its swarm of politicians, policy experts, corporate and special interest groups. The place-based community, on the other hand, offers the individual a refreshingly tangible venue in a fragmented world to make a difference. In addition, the great personal stakes combined with greater say provides increased motivation for participation.

45 years later, the theories of Melvin Webber seem more relevant than ever. Even in the face of growing nonplace urban realms, the place-based community retains the role as an important venue for interaction, consumption and conflict. However, paradoxically, the Internet can be used to form or reinforce local, place-based communities even while it facilitates the growth of nonplace urban realms.

(1) Webber, Melvin M. “Urban Place and the Nonplace Urban Realm.” In Explorations into Urban Structure, ed. Webber, et al, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964.